Pregnancy Intentions' Relationship with Infant, Pregnancy, Maternal, and early Childhood Outcomes: Evidence from Births in Alaska, Missouri, and Oklahoma

By: Erica Hobby, Nicholas Mark, Alison Gemmill, & Sarah K. Cowan

Published in: Perspectives on Sexual and Reproductive Health 55, 2023

Much of reproductive health care policy in the United States focuses on enabling women to have intended pregnancies. Investigating whether the association between pregnancy intention and adverse outcomes for mothers and children in the immediate and longer term is due to intention or a mother's demographics provides valuable context for policy makers aiming to improve maternal and child outcomes. We investigated relationships between pregnancy intention and pregnancy, infant, early childhood, and maternal outcomes using data from the Pregnancy Risk Assessment Monitoring System survey, conducted 2-8 months after the child's birth, and follow-up surveys from three states (Alaska, Missouri, and Oklahoma), administered at age 2-3 years old. We used logistic regressions with inverse propensity weights to measure associations, accounting for potential confounding factors. After inverse propensity weighting, pregnancy intention was associated with adverse maternal pregnancy behaviors but not most infant outcomes. Mothers who reported an unwanted pregnancy were associated with increased odds of the child receiving a developmental delay diagnosis. Among those who did not report depression prior to pregnancy, mothers with unwanted pregnancies were more likely to experience persistent depression, and mothers with pregnancies mistimed by two or more years had a higher likelihood of experiencing depression postpartum or in the follow up period. Our findings suggest that pregnancy intention is less consequential for maternal and child well-being than socio-economic disadvantage, suggesting that re-orienting policy toward social conditions and reproductive autonomy will serve better individual and population health.

Disclosure among youth stopped by the police: Repercussions for mental health

By: Kristin Turney, Amanda Geller & Sarah K. Cowan

Published in Social Science and Medicine - Mental Health 2 (2022)

Police contact is a common and consequential experience disproportionately endured by youth of color living in heavily surveilled neighborhoods. Disclosing police contact to others (including parents, siblings, or friends) may buffer against the harmful mental health repercussions of police contact, but little is known about the relationship between disclosure of police contact and mental health. We use data from the Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study, a cohort of urban children born around the turn of the 21st century and followed through age 15, to examine the relationship between disclosure of police contact and mental health among youth. Results suggest three conclusions. First, youth who experience police contact (regardless of whether they disclose this contact) report more depressive symptoms and anxiety than youth who do not experience police contact. Second, among youth who experience police contact, disclosure is associated with significantly less anxiety (but is not significantly associated with depressive symptoms). Third, this protective nature of disclosure is concentrated among Black youth and boys. Taken together, these findings suggest that disclosing police contact, particularly for groups most likely to experience it, may ameliorate some of the harmful mental health repercussions of this contact for youth.

Stasis and Sorting of Americans’ Abortion Opinions: Political Polarization Added to Religious and Other Differences

By: Michael Hout, Stuart Perrett, & Sarah K. Cowan

Published in: Socius 8, 2022

Americans disagree on legal abortion now about as much as they did in the 1970s, but their attitudes now sort much more according to political identity. Differences of opinion by religion, gender, race, and work that were key to understanding abortion attitudes in the 1970s persisted through 2021. The General Social Survey shows that first conservatives increased their opposition to legal abortion rights; their mean score dropped 1.1 points (on a 6-point scale) from 3.8 to 2.7 from 1974 to 2004. As conservatives’ opinions leveled off, liberals increased their support of abortion rights from 4.7 in 2004 to 5.3 or 5.4 in 2021 (because of Covid-19, survey mode changed, creating uncertainty about the sources of change). Women were significantly more divided by political ideology than men were throughout the time series, but gendered political differences did not displace or reduce religious, educational, racial, or work-life differences.